Is immigration good for the economy?
Overview
The economic impact of immigration is heterogeneous, but the weight of empirical evidence indicates that, on balance and over the long run, immigration modestly increases GDP, has small overall effects on average wages, and produces fiscal impacts that range from slightly negative to clearly positive depending on migrants’ skill mix, age and the institutional setting of the receiving country [5] [6] [7].
At the same time, several analysts caution that particular flows (e.g., large numbers of low-skilled or culturally distant refugees) can generate short-term fiscal costs and assimilation challenges, so that headline averages can hide important distributional and local effects [1] [3] [4].
Macroeconomic Effects
- Across OECD countries immigrants add roughly 2 % to total GDP, mainly through labour-force expansion and higher aggregate demand [6].
- A panel study for 18 advanced economies finds that a 1-percentage-point increase in the migrant share of the adult population raises GDP per capita by about 2 % after ten years, with no statistically significant drag on native employment [7].
- In the United States, the National Academies conclude that immigration “has an overall positive impact on long-run economic growth” while any wage effects for native workers are “small and tend to dissipate over time” [5].
Fiscal Effects
- An EU-wide simulation that tracks taxes and transfers over the life-cycle of migrants shows a small positive net fiscal contribution when the intake is balanced across skill levels; low-skill-dominant inflows turn the balance slightly negative, whereas high-skill-dominant inflows are clearly positive [3].
- State and local governments in the US often face short-run costs because they fund education and health services, yet the federal budget—where payroll and income taxes accrue—tends to record a surplus from immigration; the second generation is highly positive almost everywhere studied [5].
- Lorenzo’s analysis of a hypothetical resettlement of Palestinian refugees in Australia notes that upfront welfare and housing costs could be substantial unless quickly offset by labour-market integration, illustrating how fiscal impacts hinge on policy design and economic assimilation [4].
Labour-Market and Distributional Effects
- Most studies detect small wage gains for higher-skilled natives and small wage declines for earlier immigrant cohorts working in similar occupations; effects on lower-skilled natives are near zero or slightly negative [5] [7].
- Where labour-market institutions are rigid and minimum wages high, displaced native workers can experience temporary unemployment. This underlies part of the European concern expressed in the EU fiscal-impact simulation [3].
- Long-run wage convergence (assimilation) is slower than commonly assumed; second-generation outcomes improve, but educational and earnings gaps can persist, particularly for refugees [1] [2].
Points of Disagreement
- Optimistic analysts emphasise aggregate GDP gains and the demographic dividend (more workers relative to retirees), arguing that ageing societies need immigrants to sustain welfare systems [6] [7].
- Sceptical writers stress that if assimilation is slow or if immigrants concentrate in low-productivity sectors, per-capita gains may be limited and fiscal costs rise [1] [4].
- There is no consensus on the size of indirect social costs (e.g., congestion, schooling challenges) because they are hard to quantify; some researchers treat them as negligible, others highlight them as potentially significant externalities.
Public Discourse
Debate typically polarises along three axes:
- Fiscal prudence vs. humanitarian obligation. The Palestinian-refugee discussion shows how commentators use budgetary projections to argue for or against resettlement [4].
- National identity and cultural cohesion. Both Assimilation Myth essays argue that cultural integration is slower than the public believes, fuelling concern about social fragmentation even when economic indicators look benign [1] [2].
- Skill-selective vs. open-door policies. Policymakers draw on studies like the EU fiscal-impact model to justify point-based systems, while critics worry such filters undermine asylum norms or family reunification.
Overall, while specific flows can generate costs or adjustment pains, the preponderance of empirical work finds that well-managed immigration is, over time, net-beneficial to the economy. The magnitude and distribution of those benefits, however, remain central to contemporary policy arguments.
Sources
- Inquisitive Bird. “The Assimilation Myth (America)”. https://inquisitivebird.xyz/p/the-assimilation-myth-america
- Inquisitive Bird. “The Assimilation Myth”. https://inquisitivebird.xyz/p/the-assimilation-myth
- European Commission DG HOME. “Projecting the Net Fiscal Impact of Immigration in the EU”. https://migrant-integration.ec.europa.eu/library-document/projecting-net-fiscal-impact-immigration-eu_en
- Lorenzo From Oz. “Taking in Palestinian Refugees Is…”. https://www.lorenzofromoz.net/p/taking-in-palestinian-refugees-is
- National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. “The Economic and Fiscal Consequences of Immigration”. 2017.
- OECD. “Is Migration Good for the Economy?”. 2014.
- International Monetary Fund. “The Macroeconomic Effects of Immigration in Advanced Economies”. 2020.